The  Euro-­‐Summit  ‘Agreement’  annotated  by  Yanis   Varoufakis       Euro  Summit     Brussels,  12  July  2015  SN  4070/15     EUROSUMMIT         Subject:     Euro  Summit  Statement  Brussels,  12  July  2015           The  Euro  Summit  stresses  the  crucial  need  to  rebuild  trust  with  the  Greek   authorities  [i.e.  the  Greek  government  must  introduce  new  stringent  austerity   directed  at  the  weakest  Greeks  that  have  already  suffered  grossly]  as  a  pre-­‐   requisite  for  a  possible  future  agreement  on  a  new  ESM  programme  [i.e.  for  a   new  extend-­‐and-­‐pretend  loan].       In  this  context,  the  ownership  by  the  Greek  authorities  is  key  [i.e.  the  Syriza   government  must  sign  a  declaration  of  having  defected  to  the  troika’s  ‘logic’],  and   successful  implementation  should  follow  policy  commitments.     A  euro  area  Member  State  requesting  financial  assistance  from  the  ESM  is   expected  to  address,  wherever  possible,  a  similar  request  to  the  IMF    This  is  a   precondition  for  the  Eurogroup  to  agree  on  a  new  ESM  programme.  Therefore   Greece  will  request  continued  IMF  support  (monitoring  and  financing)  from   March  2016  [i.e.  Berlin  continues  to  believe  that  the  Commission  cannot  be   trusted  to  ‘police’  Europe’s  own  ‘bailout’  programs].     Given  the  need  to  rebuild  trust  with  Greece,  the  Euro  Summit  welcomes  the   commitments  of  the  Greek  authorities  to  legislate  without  delay  a  first  set  of   measures  [i.e.  Greece  must  subject  itself  to  fiscal  waterboarding,  even  before  any   financing  is  offered].  These  measures,  taken  in  full  prior  agreement  with  the   Institutions,  will  include:       By  15  July       •  the  streamlining  of  the  VAT  system  [i.e.  making  it  more  regressive,  through  rate   rises  that  encourage  more  VAT  evasion]and  the  broadening  of  the  tax  base  to   increase  revenue  [i.e.  dealing  a  major  blow  at  the  only  Greek  growth  industry  –   tourism].     •  upfront  measures  to  improve  long-­‐term  sustainability  of  the  pension  system  as   part  of  a  comprehensive  pension  reform  programme  [i.e.  reducing  the  lowest  of   the  low  of  pensions,  while  ignoring  that  the  depletion  of  pension  funds’  capital     1   due  to  the  2012  troika-­‐designed  PSI  and  the  ill  effects  of  low  employment  &   undeclared  paid  labour].     •  the  safeguarding  of  the  full  legal  independence  of  ELSTAT  [i.e.  the  troika   demands  complete  control  of  the  way  Greece’s  budget  balance  is  computed,  with   a  view  to  controlling  fully  the  magnitude  of  austerity  it  imposes  on  the   government.]     •  full  implementation  of  the  relevant  provisions  of  the  Treaty  on  Stability,   Coordination  and  Governance  in  the  Economic  and  Monetary  Union,  in  particular   by  making  the  Fiscal  Council  operational  before  finalizing  the  MoU  and   introducing  quasi-­‐automatic  spending  cuts  in  case  of  deviations  from  ambitious   primary  surplus  targets  after  seeking  advice  from  the  Fiscal  Council  and  subject   to  prior  approval  of  the  Institutions  [i.e.  the  Greek  government,  which  knows   that  the  imposed  fiscal  targets  will  never  be  achieved  under  the  imposed   austerity,  must  commit  to  further,  automated  austerity  as  a  result  of  the  troika’s   newest  failures.]     By  22  July       •  the  adoption  of  the  Code  of  Civil  Procedure,  which  is  a  major  overhaul  of   procedures  and  arrangements  for  the  civil  justice  system  and  can  significantly   accelerate  the  judicial  process  and  reduce  costs  [i.e.  foreclosures,  evictions  and   liquidation  of  thousands  of  homes  and  businesses  who  are  not  in  a  position  to   keep  up  with  their  mortgages/loans.]     •  the  transposition  of  the  BRRD  with  support  from  the  European  Commission.       Immediately,  and  only  subsequent  to  legal  implementation  of  the  first  four   above-­‐mentioned  measures  as  well  as  endorsement  of  all  the  commitments   included  in  this  document  by  the  Greek  Parliament,  verified  by  the  Institutions   and  the  Eurogroup,  may  a  decision  to  mandate  the  Institutions  to  negotiate  a   Memorandum  of  Understanding  (MoU)  be  taken  [i.e.  The  Syriza  government   must  be  humiliated  to  the  extent  that  it  is  asked  to  impose  harsh  austerity  upon   itself  as  a  first  step  towards  requesting  another  toxic  bailout  loan,  of  the  sort  that   Syriza  became  internationally  famous  for  opposing.]     This  decision  would  be  taken  subject  to  national  procedures  having  been   completed  and  if  the  preconditions  of  Article  13  of  the  ESM  Treaty  are  met  on  the   basis  of  the  assessment  referred  to  in  Article  13.1.  SN  4070/15  3  EN.  In  order  to   form  the  basis  for  a  successful  conclusion  of  the  MoU,  the  Greek  offer  of  reform   measures  needs  to  be  seriously  strengthened  to  take  into  account  the  strongly   deteriorated  economic  and  fiscal  position  of  the  country  during  the  last  year  [i.e.   the  Syriza  government  must  accept  the  lie  that  it,  and  not  the  asphyxiation  tactics   of  the  creditors,  caused  the  sharp  economic  deterioration  of  the  past  six  months   –  the  victim  is  being  asked  to  take  the  blame  by  the  on  behalf  of  the  villain.]     The  Greek  government  needs  to  formally  commit  to  strengthening  their   proposals  [i.e.  to  make  them  more  regressive  and  more  inhuman]  in  a  number  of     2   areas  identified  by  the  Institutions,  with  a  satisfactory  clear  timetable  for   legislation  and  implementation,  including  structural  benchmarks,  milestones  and   quantitative  benchmarks,  to  have  clarity  on  the  direction  of  policies  over  the   medium-­‐run.  They  notably  need,  in  agreement  with  the  Institutions,  to:       •  carry  out  ambitious  pension  reforms  [i.e.  cuts]  and  specify  policies  to  fully   compensate  for  the  fiscal  impact  of  the  Constitutional  Court  ruling  on  the  2012   pension  reform  [i.e.  cancel  the  Court’s  decision  in  favour  of  pensioners]  and  to   implement  the  zero  deficit  clause  [i.e.  cut  by  85%  the  secondary  pensions  that   the  Syriza  government  fought  tooth  and  nail  to  preserve  over  the  past  five   months]  or  mutually  agreeable  alternative  measures  [i.e.  find  ‘equivalent’   victims]  by  October  2015;       •  adopt  more  ambitious  product  market  reforms  with  a  clear  timetable  for   implementation  of  all  OECD  toolkit  I  recommendations  [i.e.  the   recommendations  that  the  OECD  has  now  renounced  after  having  re-­‐designed   these  reforms  in  collaboration  with  the  Syriza  government],  including  Sunday   trade,  sales  periods,  pharmacy  ownership,  milk  and  bakeries,  except  over-­‐the-­‐ counter  pharmaceutical  products,  which  will  be  implemented  in  a  next  step,  as   well  as  for  the  opening  of  macro-­‐critical  closed  professions  (e.g.  ferry   transportation).  On  the  follow-­‐up  of  the  OECD  toolkit-­‐II,  manufacturing  needs  to   be  included  in  the  prior  action;       •  on  energy  markets,  proceed  with  the  privatisation  of  the  electricity   transmission  network  operator  (ADMIE),  unless  replacement  measures  can  be   found  that  have  equivalent  effect  on  competition,  as  agreed  by  the  Institutions   [i.e.  ADMIE  will  be  sold  off  to  specific  foreign  vested  interests  at  the  behest  of  the   Institutions.]     •  on  labour  markets,  undertake  rigorous  reviews  and  modernisation  of  collective   bargaining  [i.e.  to  make  sure  that  no  collective  bargaining  is  allowed],  industrial   action  [i.e.  that  must  be  banned]  and,  in  line  with  the  relevant  EU  directive  and   best  practice,  collective  dismissals  [i.e.  that  should  be  allowed  at  the  employers’   whim],  along  the  timetable  and  the  approach  agreed  with  the  Institutions.  [i.e.   the  Troika  decides.]     On  the  basis  of  these  reviews,  labour  market  policies  should  be  aligned  with   international  and  European  best  practices,  and  should  not  involve  a  return  to   past  policy  settings  which  are  not  compatible  with  the  goals  of  promoting   sustainable  and  inclusive  growth  [i.e.  there  should  be  no  mechanisms  that  waged   labour  can  use  to  extract  better  conditions  from  employers.]     •  adopt  the  necessary  steps  to  strengthen  the  financial  sector,  including  decisive   action  on  non-­‐performing  loans  [i.e.  a  tsunami  of  foreclosures  is  ante  portas]  and   measures  to  strengthen  governance  of  the  HFSF  and  the  banks  [i.e.  the  Greek   people  who  maintain  the  HFSF  and  the  banks  will  have  precisely  zero  control   over  the  HFSF  and  the  banks.],  in  particular  by  eliminating  any  possibility  for   political  interference  especially  in  appointment  processes.  [i.e.  except  the     3   political  interference  of  the  Troika.]  On  top  of  that,  the  Greek  authorities  shall   take  the  following  actions:       •  to  develop  a  significantly  scaled  up  privatisation  programme  with  improved   governance;  valuable  Greek  assets  will  be  transferred  to  an  independent  fund   that  will  monetize  the  assets  through  privatisations  and  other  means  [i.e.  an  East   German-­‐like  Treuhand  is  envisaged  to  sell  off  all  public  property  but  without  the   equivalent  large  investments  that  W.  Germany  put  into  E.  Germany  in   compensation  for  the  Treuhand  disaster.]  The  monetization  of  the  assets  will  be   one  source  to  make  the  scheduled  repayment  of  the  new  loan  of  ESM  and   generate  over  the  life  of  the  new  loan  a  targeted  total  of  EUR  50bn  of  which  EUR   25bn  will  be  used  for  the  repayment  of  recapitalization  of  banks  and  other  assets   and  50  %  of  every  remaining  euro  (i.e.  50%  of  EUR  25bn)  will  be  used  for   decreasing  the  debt  to  GDP  ratio  and  the  remaining  50  %  will  be  used  for   investments  [i.e.  public  property  will  be  sold  off  and  the  pitiful  sums  will  go   toward  servicing  an  un-­‐serviceable  debt  –  with  precisely  nothing  left  over  for   public  or  private  investments.]  This  fund  would  be  established  in  Greece  and  be   managed  by  the  Greek  authorities  under  the  supervision  of  the  relevant   European  Institutions  [i.e.  it  will  be  nominally  in  Greece  but,  just  like  the  HFSF  or   the  Bank  of  Greece,  it  will  be  controlled  fully  by  the  creditors.]  In  agreement  with   Institutions  and  building  on  best  international  practices,  a  legislative  framework   should  be  adopted  to  ensure  transparent  procedures  and  adequate  asset  sale   pricing,  according  to  OECD  principles  and  standards  on  the  management  of  State   Owned  Enterprises  (SOEs)  [i.e.  the  Troika  will  do  what  it  likes.]     •  in  line  with  the  Greek  government  ambitions,  to  modernise  and  significantly   strengthen  the  Greek  administration,  and  to  put  in  place  a  programme,  under  the   auspices  of  the  European  Commission,  for  capacity-­‐building  and  de-­‐politicizing   the  Greek  administration  [i.e.  Turning  Greece  into  a  democracy-­‐free  zone   modelled  on  Brussels,  a  form  of  supposedly  technocratic  government,  which  is   politically  toxic  and  macro-­‐economically  inept]  A  first  proposal  should  be   provided  by  20  July  after  discussions  with  the  Institutions.  The  Greek   government  commits  to  reduce  further  the  costs  of  the  Greek  administration  [i.e.   to  reduce  the  lowest  wages  while  increasing  a  little  the  wages  some  of  the   Troika-­‐friendly  apparatchiks],  in  line  with  a  schedule  agreed  with  the   Institutions;  SN  4070/15  5  EN       •  to  fully  normalize  working  methods  with  the  Institutions,  including  the   necessary  work  on  the  ground  in  Athens,  to  improve  programme   implementation  and  monitoring  [i.e.  The  Troika  strikes  back  and  demands  that   the  Greek  government  invite  it  to  return  to  Athens  as  Conqueror  –  the   Carthaginian  Peace  in  all  its  glory.]  The  government  needs  to  consult  and  agree   with  the  Institutions  on  all  draft  legislation  in  relevant  areas  with  adequate  time   before  submitting  it  for  public  consultation  or  to  Parliament  [i.e.  Greek   Parliament  must,  again,  after  five  months  of  short-­‐lived  independence,  become   an  appendage  of  the  Troika  –  passing  translated  legislation  mechanistically.]  The   Euro  Summit  stresses  again  that  implementation  is  key,  and  in  that  context   welcomes  the  intention  of  the  Greek  authorities  to  request  by  20  July  support     4   from  the  Institutions  and  Member  States  for  technical  assistance,  and  asks  the   European  Commission  to  coordinate  this  support  from  Europe;       •  With  the  exception  of  the  humanitarian  crisis  bill,  the  Greek  government  will   reexamine  with  a  view  to  amending  legislations  that  were  introduced  counter  to   the  February  20  agreement  by  backtracking  on  previous  programme   commitments  or  identify  clear  compensatory  equivalents  for  the  vested  rights   that  were  subsequently  created  [i.e.  In  addition  to  promising  that  it  will  no   longer  legislative  autonomously,  the  Greek  government  will  retrospectively   annul  all  Bills  it  passed  over  the  past  five  months.]       The  above-­‐listed  commitments  are  minimum  requirements  to  start  the   negotiations  with  the  Greek  authorities.  However,  the  Euro  Summit  made  it  clear   that  the  start  of  negotiations  does  not  preclude  any  final  possible  agreement  on  a   new  ESM  programme,  which  will  have  to  be  based  on  a  decision  on  the  whole   package  (including  financing  needs,  debt  sustainability  and  possible  bridge   financing)  [i.e.  self-­‐flagellate,  impose  further  austerity  upon  an  economy  crushed   by  austerity,  and  then  we  shall  see  whether  the  Eurogroup  will  grave  you  with   another  toxic,  unsustainable  loans.]       The  Euro  Summit  takes  note  of  the  possible  programme  financing  needs  of   between  EUR  82  and  86bn,  as  assessed  by  the  Institutions  [i.e.  the  Eurogroup   conjured  up  a  huge  number,  well  above  what  is  necessary,  in  order  to  signal  the   debt  restructuring  is  out  and  that  debt  bondage  ad  infinitum  is  the  name  of  the   game.]  It  invites  the  Institutions  to  explore  possibilities  to  reduce  the  financing   envelope,  through  an  alternative  fiscal  path  or  higher  privatisation  proceeds  [i.e.   And,  yes,  it  may  possible  that  pigs  will  fly.]  Restoring  market  access,  which  is  an   objective  of  any  financial  assistance  programme,  lowers  the  need  to  draw  on  the   total  financing  envelope  [i.e.  which  is  something  the  creditors  will  do  their   utmost  to  avoid,  e.g.  by  ensuring  that  Greece  will  only  enter  the  ECB’s   quantitative  easing  program  in  2018,  once  quantitative  easing  is…  over.]       The  Euro  Summit  takes  note  of  the  urgent  financing  needs  of  Greece  which   underline  the  need  for  very  swift  progress  in  reaching  a  decision  on  a  new  MoU:   these  are  estimated  to  amount  to  EUR  7bn  by  20  July  and  an  additional  EUR  5bn   by  mid  August.  [i.e.  Extend  and  Pretend  gets  another  spin.]  The  Euro  Summit   acknowledges  the  importance  of  ensuring  that  the  Greek  sovereign  can  clear  its   arrears  to  the  IMF  and  to  the  Bank  of  Greece  and  honour  its  debt  obligations  in   the  coming  weeks  to  create  conditions  which  allow  for  an  orderly  conclusion  of   the  negotiations.  The  risks  of  not  concluding  swiftly  the  negotiations  remain  fully   with  Greece  [i.e.  Once  more,  demanding  that  the  victim  takes  all  the  blame  in   behalf  of  the  villain.]  The  Euro  Summit  invites  the  Eurogroup  to  discuss  these   issues  as  a  matter  of  urgency.       Given  the  acute  challenges  of  the  Greek  financial  sector,  the  total  envelope  of  a   possible  new  ESM  programme  would  have  to  include  the  establishment  of  a   buffer  of  EUR  10  to  25bn  for  the  banking  sector  in  order  to  address  potential   bank  recapitalisation  needs  and  resolution  costs,  of  which  EUR  10bn  would  be   made  available  immediately  in  a  segregated  account  at  the  ESM  [i.e.  the  Troika     5   admits  that  the  2013-­‐14  recapitalisation  of  the  banks,  which  would  only  need  a   top  up  of  at  most  10  billion,  was  insufficient  –  but,  of  course,  blames  it  on…  the   Syriza  government.]       The  Euro  Summit  is  aware  that  a  rapid  decision  on  a  new  programme  is  a   condition  to  allow  banks  to  reopen,  thus  avoiding  an  increase  in  the  total   financing  envelope  [i.e.  The  Troika  closed  Greece’s  banks  to  force  the  Syriza   government  to  capitulate  and  now  cries  out  for  their  re-­‐opening.]  The  ECB/SSM   will  conduct  a  comprehensive  assessment  after  the  summer.  The  overall  buffer   will  cater  for  possible  capital  shortfalls  following  the  comprehensive  assessment   after  the  legal  framework  is  applied.       There  are  serious  concerns  regarding  the  sustainability  of  Greek  debt  [N.b.   Really?  Gosh!]  This  is  due  to  the  easing  of  policies  during  the  last  twelve  months,   which  resulted  in  the  recent  deterioration  in  the  domestic  macroeconomic  and   financial  environment  [i.e.  It  is  not  the  Extend  and  Pretend  ‘bailout’  loans  of  2010   and  2012  that,  in  conjunction  with  GDP-­‐sapping  austerity,  caused  the  debt  to   scale  immense  heights  –  it  was  the  prospect,  and  reality,  of  a  government  that   criticized  the  the  Extend  and  Pretend  ‘bailout’  loans  that…  caused  Debt’s   Unustainability!]     The  Euro  Summit  recalls  that  the  euro  area  Member  States  have,  throughout  the   last  few  years,  adopted  a  remarkable  set  of  measures  supporting  Greece’s  debt   sustainability,  which  have  smoothed  Greece’s  debt  servicing  path  and  reduced   costs  significantly  [i.e.  The  1st  &  2nd  ‘bailout’  programs  failed,  the  debt   skyrocketing  as  it  was  always  going  to  since  the  real  purpose  of  the  ‘bailout’   programs  was  to  transfer  banking  losses  to  Europe’s  taxpayers.]  Against  this   background,  in  the  context  of  a  possible  future  ESM  programme,  and  in  line  with   the  spirit  of  the  Eurogroup  statement  of  November  2012  [i.e.  a  promise  of  debt   restructure  to  the  previous  Greek  government  was  never  kept  by  the  creditors],   the  Eurogroup  stands  ready  to  consider,  if  necessary,  possible  additional   measures  (possible  longer  grace  and  payment  periods)  aiming  at  ensuring  that   gross  financing  needs  remain  at  a  sustainable  level.  These  measures  will  be   conditional  upon  full  implementation  of  the  measures  to  be  agreed  in  a  possible   new  programme  and  will  be  considered  after  the  first  positive  completion  of  a   review  [i.e.  Yet  again,  the  Troika  shall  let  the  Greek  government  labour  under  un-­‐ payable  debt  and  when,  as  a  result,  the  program  fails,  poverty  rises  further  and   incomes  collapse  much  more,  then  we  may  haircut  some  of  the  debt  –  as  the   Troika  did  in  2012.]     The  Euro  Summit  stresses  that  nominal  haircuts  on  the  debt  cannot  be   undertaken  [N.b.  The  Syriza  government  has  been  suggesting,  since  January,  a   moderate  debt  restructure,  with  no  haircuts,  maximizing  the  expected  net   present  value  of  Greece’s  repayments  to  creditors’  –  which  was  rejected  by  the   Troika  because  their  aim  was,  simply,  to  humiliate  Syriza.]  Greek  authorities   reiterate  their  unequivocal  commitment  to  honour  their  financial  obligations  to   all  their  creditors  fully  and  in  a  timely  manner  [N.b.  Which  can  only  happen  after   a  substantial  debt  restrucuture.]  Provided  that  all  the  necessary  conditions   contained  in  this  document  are  fulfilled,  the  Eurogroup  and  ESM  Board  of     6   Governors  may,  in  accordance  with  Article  13.2  of  the  ESM  Treaty,  mandate  the   Institutions  to  negotiate  a  new  ESM  programme,  if  the  preconditions  of  Article   13  of  the  ESM  Treaty  are  met  on  the  basis  of  the  assessment  referred  to  in  Article   13.1.  To  help  support  growth  and  job  creation  in  Greece  (in  the  next  3-­‐5  years)   [N.b.  Having  already  destroyed  growth  and  jobs  for  the  past  five  years…]  the   Commission  will  work  closely  with  the  Greek  authorities  to  mobilise  up  to  EUR   35bn  (under  various  EU  programmes)  to  fund  investment  and  economic  activity,   including  in  SMEs  [i.e.  Will  use  the  same  order  of  magnitude  of  structural  funds,   plus  some  fantasy  money,  as  were  available  in  2010-­‐2014.]  As  an  exceptional   measure  and  given  the  unique  situation  of  Greece  the  Commission  will  propose   to  increase  the  level  of  pre-­‐financing  by  EUR  1bn  to  give  an  immediate  boost  to   investment  to  be  dealt  with  by  the  EU  co-­‐legislators.  [i.e.  Of  the  headline  35   billion,  consider  1  billion  as  real  money.]  The  Investment  Plan  for  Europe  will   also  provide  funding  opportunities  for  Greece  [i.e.  the  same  plan  that  most   Eurozone  ministers  of  finance  refer  to  as  a  phantom  program].       7